Yesterday afternoon I
happily skipped unwillingly dragged myself away from my research on India's Bharatiya Janata Party to attend this year's Samuel L. and Elizabeth Jodidi lecture delivered by Thorbjørn Jagland to the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs.
By means of quick introduction, Jagland was Norway's Prime Minister from 1996-1997, President of the Storting (parliament) from 2005-2009, and is currently both the Secretary-General of the Council of Europe and Chairman of the Nobel Peace Prize Committee. Its fair to say that we were pretty lucky to have him... Enough about his past and present titles, though, and onto what he actually had to say.
First of all, I should make clear that it was predominantly in his capacity as chairman of the Nobel Peace Prize committee that he was speaking, delivering a talk aptly entitled 'Individual Rights - Universal Peace'. Now, if I'm honest, the lecture itself was sort of all over the place: littered with barely relevant (though quite entertaining) anecdotes and quotes, it was really more a verbalisation of his stream of consciousness than anything else. Nonetheless, a handful of interesting things certainly came out of it. For the sake of your patience, though, I'll concentrate on three things (which I'll set out now just in case you suddenly need to rush off and watch some paint dry... its ok, I know how it is) : 1) His justification for awarding Obama the Peace Prize in 2009, 2) Liu Xiaobo's receipt of the award this year, and 3) his notion that human rights stand above national sovereignty. There we go - you've been duly warned!
So onto the first of these issues - Obama getting the prize in 2009. There's
nearly always controversy surrounding whoever gets the Peace Prize and 2009 was no exception. However, its probably most instructive to begin by detailing the official criteria according to which the recipient is chosen, as laid out by Alfred Nobel (inventor of dynamite) in his will. By his stipulation, the award should be given 'to the person who shall have done the most or the best work for fraternity between nations, the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the holding and promotion of peace congresses'. By the Committee's estimations, Obama - barely 9 months into his presidency - seemed to fit the bill...
On what particular grounds? Two things really: his vision of a world without nuclear weapons and his commitment, as President of the US, to have his country engage in more multilateral diplomacy. At heart, this decision clearly wasn't based on accomplishment - for me, the first 9 months of the Obama administration, consumed almost entirely by domestic issues, were decidedly disappointing from an international relations standpoint - a period of missed opportunities, really. Rather, the decision seemed to amount to more of a plea than a reward - a plea to follow through on that grand rhetoric which aimed to sculpt the figure of C21st-US leadership into a more appropriate and palatable form. Maybe he deserved it, maybe he didn't - for now, I can see both sides of the debate and am content to sit on the fence. Instead, what
really interests me is something that the debate nonetheless throws up - the inescapable fact that America is a deeply puzzling place... and I'll come back to that.
Ok so now onto the second issue: Liu Xiaobo, the human rights activist who has been calling for democratic reforms in China and is currently in prison for 'inciting subversion of state power'. For me, this is super interesting: I think I mentioned in a previous post that I'm writing a paper all about China's (or rather, the CCP's) portrayal of itself to the West so this is really hugely relevant for me. What I found quite interesting was the view of a couple of Chinese people in the audience who asked questions, both of which suggested that the award had actually done more harm than good as concerns human rights in China - and in the short term, its hard to disagree. The great firewall has blocked anything with Liu Xiabo's name, while more generally it has served to significantly increase the insecurity of the CCP which only translates into increased repression. China's angry response highlights a couple of things worth noting: first, it reminds us yet again that if there is one thing the CCP hates more than
anything, it is challenges to its sovereignty - that is, outside actors meddling in its internal affairs. Second, I think it also shows an acute awareness on the part of the CCP of the long-term influence the decision could have. This is no flash in the pan - the western media (which the Communist Party utterly detests) now has in Liu Xiabo a permanent focal point when it comes to the human rights struggle in China. Whatever he does in the future is guaranteed significant worldwide coverage - and the CCP is going to find that
very difficult to deal with.
This issue of China and sovereignty brings me nicely onto my last issue: Jagland's notion that human rights are
above sovereignty. Now just to briefly say, Jagland in general is very much
for states devolving more and more of their sovereignty to international bodies - for him the C21st is one characterised more than ever by interdependence among states, and as such he really does subscribe to the notion that global values and global rules should have a very prominent place in the way states conduct both internal and external affairs. But not everyone by any means thinks along these lines: China obviously doesn't want to devolve sovereignty to anyone, but we certainly shouldn't kid ourselves that the US is any different. Rhetorically, the US stresses its willingness to adhere to the same rules as everyone else but too often the reality is quite different. To put it another way, the US is quite happy to play a very active role in drawing up international treaties for this that and the next thing and its often even quite happy to sign them. But ratify them? No thank you very much... or when they
do ratify them, its usually on the condition that they are 'non-self-executing' (e.g. the Convention Against Torture). What this all comes down to is that when it comes to international law, the US really is no role model. So my point is merely this: Jagland's notion that human rights are above sovereignty is a wonderful ideal. They absolutely
should be universal. Unfortunately, though, the reality again falls well short - and
not just in China. I can't think of a more basic human right than that to life - and yet, here I am sat in a country in which nearly every state deems this a right humans
do not have.